Dokumente

We document an English version of the Statement of the First Meeting of European Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Parties and Organizations.

We document an English translation of "Thesis on the international situation and the tasks of the International Communist Movement".

 

Proletarians of all countries, unite!

Thesis on the international situation and the tasks of the International Communist Movement
Report of the V. meeting of marxist-leninist-maoist parties and organisations of Latin America


“Imperialism will not last long because it always does evil things. It persists in grooming and supporting reactionaries in all countries who are against the people, it has forcibly seized many colonies and semi-colonies and many military bases, and it threatens the peace with atomic war. Thus, forced by imperialism to do so, more than 90 per cent of the people of the world are rising or will rise up in struggle against it. Yet imperialism is still alive, still running amuck in Asia, Africa and Latin America. In the West, imperialism is still oppressing the people at home. This situation must change. It is the task of the people of the whole world to put an end to the aggression and oppression perpetrated by imperialism, and chiefly by U.S. Imperialism.”

Chairman Mao Tsetung, Interview With A Hsinhua News Agency Correspondent
September 29th,1958

 

Since the beginning of the epoch of imperialism the different imperialist powers and superpowers have intensified their exploitation and oppression against the proletariat in their own countries and the plundering and submission of the proletariat, the peasantry and the popular masses in general in the colonies and semi-colonies, all with the purpose to ensure the plundering of the natural resources, secure the markets for their capital and commodities and the maximum profit. This plundering and exploitation resulted in two World Wars and unspeakable misery and harm for the proletariat and the people of the world and stirred up the class struggle to greater heights, that culminated in the most heroic revolutionary experiences in the history of humankind – the conquest of power by the proletariat (dictatorship of the proletariat) and the beginning of the socialist construction on the path to abolish classes and every form of exploitation, the golden communism.

With the emergence of imperialism the world has been divided between a handful of oppressing nations and an immense number of oppressed nations, the conditions for the world revolution ripened. With the victory of the October revolution the era of the proletarian world revolution was initiated, which is the principal historical and political tendency. The struggle between revolution and counter-revolution in the era of imperialism and the proletarian world revolution gave us the most important experiences in class struggle – the victories of the great revolutions in Russia and China, the impulse for the struggles for national liberation and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution – and with the People's War in Peru the strategic offensive of the proletarian world revolution was initiated. In this way, the scientific ideology of the proletariat, the only scientific ideology, was developed to a new, third and higher stage: Maoism.

Carried by the contribution of Gonzalo-Though, the result of the application of Maoism on the revolution in Peru, we reaffirm, that being a communist today means being Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, principally Maoist and that the task of the communists is to hold high, defend and apply, principally apply Marxism-Leninsm-Maoism in order to impose Maoism as command and guidance of the proletarian world revolution, for let it increasingly lead the New Great Wave of the proletarian world revolution.

Chairman Mao told us again and again, that we as communists, have the duty to apply the Marxist conception, the Marxists point-of-view and the Marxist method to study the objective world with the sole purpose of transforming it. And in the study of the objective reality we must strive to understand the principal contradiction in every moment, that we principally have to centre on the class struggle and the two-line-struggle, for which we must analyse the fundamental relations between classes and the correlation of the forces of classes.

We reaffirm, that only by being carried by Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and the universal contributions of Gonzalo-Thought we are capable to find a way in comprehending the developments of the fundamental contradictions, to understand the principal contradiction in the current world, in order to correctly define the politics and tasks that results from the objective situation, to be on our guard for subjectivism, superficiality and one-sidedness and to distinguish the contradictions between us and the enemy from the contradictions in the lap of the people.

 

The fundamental contradictions in the current world

First contradiction: between oppressed nations on one side and imperialist super powers and powers on the other.

This is the principal contradiction in the current world. On one hand, there is a large number of oppressed nations that are colonial or semi-colonial countries, that are economically, politically and culturally subjected to imperialism, even though the latter formal count as sovereign or independent; On the other hand, a handful of imperialist powers, be it powers or superpowers, anyway oppressing nations.
In the camp of the imperialist powers Yankee-imperialism is the only hegemonic super power, Russia is an atomic superpower and there is also a handful of secondary imperialist powers.

Yankee-imperialism, more than than the other imperialists, is weighted down by its hegemonic position even more. Due to its own imperialist nature and in order to uphold its hegemony, it is forced to fight multiple wars simultaneously and for this must maintain military presence on all continents. This creates enormous economical costs, that also include the maintenance of its military and espionage machinery, costs for the credits of its past and ongoing wars, support for veterans, and not accounting the social costs required in its own country and the disregard of life and dignity of the masses, the genocide they conduct in their subjugation what earned it the hatred of all people of the world.

Yankee-imperialism is the main exporter of capital on world level, which is expressed in the enormous imbalance in its economy. Yankee-imperialism is a giant standing on feet of clay, with an immense external debt, budget debts and business debts as well as a huge trade deficit. He is the principal monopolist, the principal parasite and is undergoing greater decay than any of the other imperialist countries.

On their side, the oppressed countries concentrate the huge majority and the poorest of the world population subjected to the oppression of imperialism, bureaucratic capitalism and semi-feudalism they live in conditions that are not at all in accordance to the level of development of humankind, suffer under the worsening of their living conditions, the environment and are the target of the systematic wars of conquest of imperialism and its local lackeys.

In the oppressed countries bureaucratic capitalism is developing on a semi-feudal, colonial or semi-colonial basis, creating its corresponding political and ideological forms and systematically hindering the national development, exploiting the proletariat, the peasantry and the petty bourgeoisie and restricting the middle bourgeoisie. The worldwide crisis is continuing to being offloaded on the oppressed countries that are kept in this condition and we stay a part of the spoils of each redistribution.

Contrary to what the representatives of imperialism and their revisionist lackeys declare the so-called “economic liberation”, the “globalisation”, the “new world wide division of labour” etc., everything the imperialists pushed forward together with the ruling classes of this countries, have not changed their character, but rather preserved and evolutionised it. Those upholding the euphemism of imperialism – that the (imperialist) foreign investments are in areas where there are alleged “comparative cost benefits” that result in progress and development – is nothing more than a masquerade to camouflage exploitation. The result of many decades of the “opening for foreign investments” is that there has been no real national development in the oppress countries. The promise that increasing prices for natural resources will lead to greater profits for the countries where the sources of the natural resources are located in, was refuted absolutely by reality. The facts prove that the greatest part of the benefits, the profits during the period of high prices of natural resources, went to the “multinationals”, meaning the imperialist countries.

By means of this so-called “foreign investment” imperialist export of capital, the competition between the monopolies for dominance of markets and countries, is manifesting. The power getting ahead in this race is able to increase it monopoly position, its power and hence its parasitism, its existence as “rentier”, by which also its own decay, its down fall deepens.

Far away from increasing the economic development in the oppressed countries, imperialist investments create a deformed development, an economy strangled by financial capital, the highest concentration of capital in the big monopolies and the subjugation of all productions, finances and the national consumption under their interests. Under these conditions the proletariat has the task, by means of its communist party in alliance with the peasantry as the principal force, to assume leadership of all revolutionary forces in the democratic revolution against imperialism, bureaucratic capitalism and semi-feudalism.

The policy of the imperialism of the USA towards the semi-colonies is great submission and great national subjugation or war. The plan of the imperialist is the partitioning of those countries and their redistribution, based on the strength of its military and its unfolding in combat positions. They do not seek peace, but subjugate the people once again by means of capitulation, by means of so-called “peace agreements”, that only formalises what was won on the battlefield.

To not recognize the semi-feudal character of our countries and, additionally, the necessity of the agrarian war to solve it, ends with negating the necessity of the democratic revolution in the oppressed nations, the necessity to develop People's War as a unified war – principally in the countryside and necessarily complementary in the city – to put an end imperialism, bureaucratic capitalism and semi-feudalism. Hence, without seeing the semi-colonial and semi-feudal character on which the bureaucratic capitalism in the so-called Middle East is developing, one is not capable to understand the character of the role of the struggles for national liberation of the people against the different imperialist powers, the character of the resistance, the just war, mainly against Yankee-Imperialism, but without neglecting the atomic superpower Russia, independent of the forces of the classes that currently wage their armed struggles in absence of a communist leadership.


Second Contradiction: Between proletariat and bourgeoisie

The enormous socially produced wealth is increasing without limitations, but this wealth is appropriated privately by a handful of imperialists and the big bourgeois and landowners in the countries of the third world. The result of all this are even sharper crisises with shortened cycles within the general and final crisis of imperialism, that push the imperialist states towards triggering new wars of conquest for the redistribution of the world. All this is stirs up the contradiction between proletariat and bourgeoisie in the imperialist nations themselves.

On one hand, the economic crisis that is continuing since 2008 – what started with the financial crisis in the USA – is being offloaded on the masses, which also impacted the proletariat in the imperialist states, especially in Europe, stirring up sharper struggles to defend the accomplishments won in the struggles during the whole 20th century.

On the other hand, the contradiction between proletariat and bourgeoisie unfolds also in the emergence of waves of immigration of thousands of refugees of war and poor people in general, that flee from the imperialist wars and the tremendous exploitation and oppression in the half-colonies and that increase the rows of the proletariat in these countries. The wave of migration and the “human tragedy” is also a necessity for the monopolies in the respective imperialist countries that must decrease costs of production and wage level – for example, the reaction of German imperialism estimates that they have to strengthen their working forces with 500.000 immigrants per year – so they simultaneously spread the fear of “terrorism” all over the media and promote chauvinistic hysteria, racism and nationalism. They enforce the reactionary policy of splitting the class in domestic and foreign workers in order to prevent the unified class-conscious action of the proletariat, so that it will not organize itself as a class with its own interests and communist ideology, politics and party. Here, the contradiction is also between revolution and counter-revolution and not between fascism and the democracy, the “left” or the “right”. It is not about this or that political regime or form of government of the bourgeois dictatorship, but about putting an end to this dictatorship of the bourgeoisie against the proletariat and the people in this imperialist countries by means of the socialist revolution, which must be carried out through People's War.

This contradiction within the imperialist nations is sharpening, too – and this is the character of the current phase of decay – because all the abominations committed by those imperialist states, especially the Yankee-imperialism, against the oppressed nations reverberate more and more in those imperialist countries. The merciless killings of the masses by means of airstrikes, the use of drones against the civil population and attaching the stigma of “terrorism” to all the forces fighting against national subjugation are a common part of the imperialist war. This is being done in countries which they declared war on, but which armed forces is not given this status and the Right for war is not granted, as well as in countries in which they have not declared war or covertly wage war like in Yemen and Pakistan. And they do it with impunity, because there are no international judges or courts against them that count. This imperialist war must necessarily come back home.

Further, in their own countries a systematic and continuous killing of the members of the poorest masses continues, for the forces of repression of the Yankee-state this is a part of the war against the proletariat and the North-American people, especially the black population and the immigrants of the third world. In the face of this oppression, the masses rise in rebellion and turn the weapons, given to them to massacre the masses in the oppression nations, against their own oppressors.

In summary the main aspect is, that the movement against the imperialist war will increase, together with the rebellion against the exploitation and oppression of the class and the increasing misery of the masses. This happens in all the imperialist countries, especially in China, France and the United States, where the exploited and oppressed mass of the proletariat consists of around 50 million proletarians coming from countries in Latin America. Through this poor mass the development of the class struggle with the People's War in Latin America also influences the development of the class struggle of the proletariat to conquer the power in the United States.


Third contradiction: Between imperialist powers and superpowers

As Lenin taught, imperialism is not one, but there are different imperialist countries. This means, that there are imperialist power and superpowers that divide the world amongst them in regards to the balance of power – economically, politically and military – a balance of power that changes in every moment and unfolds through conspiracy and conflict.

The United States are in this moment the only hegemonic superpower. With the decomposition of the social-imperialist USSR in 1991 the economical weight of Russia shrank to a level comparable to the Italian imperialism, while its character as atomic superpower prevails. There are also other imperialist power like Germany, Great Britain, France, Japan, China, Holland, Australia, New Zealand, Canada, Italy, Spain, etc. that compose a handful of oppressing countries. Since the 1990'ies a redistribution of the oppressed countries, formerly subjected to the social-imperialist Soviet Union, has taken place. All events of significance that have since then taken place in Eastern Europe and the so-called Middle East, the Persian Golf and Afghanistan, with or without war, are part of this redistribution.

The old struggle between the two superpowers, the USA and the social-imperialist USSR, has changed. The current situation in the world is marked by the plan of Yankee-imperialism to develop its War of Aggression with blood and fire with an immediate target – Syria –, a medium-range target – Iran – and a strategic goal, to strip Russia of its characteristic as an atomic superpower that still exists, for which alliances with the other imperialists like Germany, France, England, etc. are being used when they serve the purpose of overthrowing the order of the areas of influence with greater strategical significance for Russia. On its side, Russia is struggling to maintain these areas, especially Ukraine, Syria and Iran.

In the current situation the hotspot is located in the so-called Middle East, because the control over this region, especially Syria and Iran, is of great importance for Yankee-imperialism, not only because it means to snatch areas of influence from Russia, but also because it would allow assuring its hegemonic status by gaining strategic control over the key areas of the world when it comes to the supplies of oil of all the other imperialist powers, getting a clear advantage in the inter-imperialist competition. It is exactly that aspect, what makes it hard to make all powers to turn against Russia.

When the imperialists, alone or in coalitions, act against one or multiple oppressed countries of the third world, this moment is not only marked by the principal contradiction, but also by the third contradiction, the one between the imperialist countries. And with this they break their own agreements, their own international law, the principal of non-aggression, because the law exists for to be obeyed by the others. It is because of this, that the peace, the harmony between the imperialists are only newly told old fairy tales, like those of “Superimperialism”, “Ultraimperialism”, “Neoimperialism”, “Neoliberalism”, “Neocolonialism” - old theories directed against the democratic revolution and the struggles for national liberation.

The imperialist scramble for the biggest slice of the pie is absolute and the conspiracy amongst them is relative, that is determined by the conditional and transient character of imperialist alliances; There are no “imperialist blocks”. The secondary imperialist power struggle to become new superpowers and by this strive to achieve world hegemony, to take the place of Yank-imperialism and to force a new order and redistribution by means of a new World War. The European Union is no “European imperialism” but an alliance of Western-European countries under the leadership of Germany to struggle for distribution of the world.

Also, there is no “Russia-China Block”, amongst them there are also disputes. Momentarily social-imperialist China has no position of greater significance in the redistribution, because it has limited offensive capabilities compared to the other imperialist powers. With China containment and first conspiracies are undertaken, it has its place as a factory for products of consumption and room for capital of the different imperialist powers such as the USA, Japan, Germany and others.

Regarding the contradiction between socialism and capitalism, that corresponds to the whole era of the proletarian world revolution, this contradiction is currently unfolding in the area of ideology and history. In the camp of the reaction this contradiction is marked by the general counter-revolutionary offensive, that enters its down fall and in this situation is directed against the struggle for national liberation with its means of the so-called “War on Terror”, against which we direct the counter-offensive that developes by the means of People's War. In the camp of the revolution the contradiction between socialism and capitalism is expressed in the struggles of the proletariat and the people of the world, in which socialism lives as an idea. The call of the masses for reconquering the power rises especially in those countries where there was socialism, a perspective that is expressed by the veterans of the USSR that fought in the second world war and that march with posters of comrade Stalin and the workers and peasants in China, that rise in the name of Chairman Mao. All these struggles are part of the complex process between restoration and counter-restoration. Socialism will surely be established there and it will be by People's War, in order to continue the construction of socialism and the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Chairman Mao, who analysed the development of class struggle on world level, understood that imperialism enters a phase of the sharpening of the general crisis, that initiated the age of the complete sweeping-away through the proletarian revolution, highlighting that this will take place in the period of “the next 50 to 100 years”. Chairman Gonzalo developed this comprehension. He showed, that around 1980 the strategic offensive of the proletarian world revolution was entered, in which the delayed strategic task, according to the situation, is the constitution or reconstitution of the communist parties on the basis of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, in order to develop People's Wars in all countries on earth and to develop them as a World People's War. We must reaffirm ourselves in all those important tasks and resolutely struggle agains all attempts of the reaction and revisionism that spread confusion, serve the dispersal of the Communist Movement and try to separate the Communist Movement from the struggles for national liberation.

The field for revolution and People's War is opening. In Latin America the governments of Venezuela, Brazil, Ecuador, etc. started to discompose and taking down with them all sorts of opportunists and revisionist that supported and defended those alleged “anti-imperialist”, “progressive”, “revolutionary” governments. This defeat also is accurate for the Cuban revisionism, that supported all those governments that were far away from “left” - what opportunism, revisionism and rest of the reactionaries are spreading – it is the governments that in each country lead the bureaucratic fraction of the big bourgeoisie in service of imperialism, principally Yankee-imperialism. Additionally, the “peace-”agreements between armed revisionism and the Cuban government are an expression of this final decomposition in order do delegitimize the democratic way, the People's War, through parliamentary cretinism and to march onwards on the bureaucratic path of the reaction and imperialism.

The military confrontation between revolution and counter-revolution in the world gives us the indispensable task to fight imperialism and reaction and to simultaneously fight the new revisionism in a fierce manner, to reject opportunism and parliamentary cretinism and to educate the masses in revolutionary violence and the distinction between friend and foe, so that they can unleash their forceful energy in revolutionary struggle. In order to do so, it is mandatory to achieve a full understanding of Maoism as the universal ideology, to embrace and embody it in the midst of two-line-struggle and to apply it on the revolution in each country, creating the guiding though and leadership of each revolution, all by utilizing the highest form of class struggle, People's War.

The struggle against the new revisionism that attacks Marxism, the party, revolutionary violence and the dictatorship of the proletariat, which was structured in its most systematic form in Peru as the revisionist and capitulationist right-opportunist Line that franticly negates leadership, Gonzalo-Thought, People's War and the democratic revolution is necessary. It must be fought against continuously in each and every form it presents itself, like the variations presented by the revisionists Avakian, Prachanda and others.


More People's Wars are needed to make revolution and to confront imperialist war

The objective situation on world level develops and in each part the conditions for revolution ripen. As annotated by Chairman Mao in 1958, imperialism is still alive and Yankee-imperialism – as the only hegemonic superpower and counter-revolutionary gendarme – is the principal enemy of the people of the world; he still commits despotic and violent acts against Asia, Africa and Latin America; occupies semi-colonies with violence, erects military bases and forces wars of conquest on others; he still oppresses the people's masses in its own country. And all this more fiercely then 60 years ago. But this situation will become more and more insupportable and inevitably more than 90 percent of the world population will rise against imperialism and the reactionaries and this already is happening, with hard struggle and uneven development, in a second great wave of the proletarian world revolution.

As Maoists we are supporters of Chaiman Maos thesis on „three worlds in formation”, which on one hand contains the basic distinction between imperialist and by imperialism oppressed nations and, on the other hand, that inter-imperialist contradictions exist, that they are in motion through conspiracy and conflict, with conflict being the absolute and conspiracy being the relative, because the conflict is about the imperialist redistribution of the spoils, which is us, the oppressed nation.

So we see, that the first world is in a redefinition, that is expressed in how it facilitates the down fall of the only hegemonic superpower, the Yankee-imperialism, in a long process with temporary blossoms and set-backs. We also see, how the atomic superpower Russia in the long run tries to recover and that the secondary imperialist power are on its heels, all within the process of being swept-away and down fall in which imperialism is due to the world revolution, which basis is the third world.

The current situation confirms the emphasis of Chairman Mao in regards to Asia, China and Latin America as zones of revolutionary storms and basis of the proletarian world revolution and also confirms what Chairman Gonzalo defined in regards of the third world now spreading to Europe.

The dispute between the imperialists will increase even more and our countries are the spoils of this dispute. There will be increasingly fierce struggle between the monopolies of the financial capital, sometimes violently and sometimes non-violently, but principally violently, because Imperialism is war and reaction all along the line. The struggle for the markets for export of capital and extraction of natural resources and other raw materials and for the cheapest labour force is in the interest of the imperialist monopolies and in the interest of its states. That is the economic basis of the wars of aggression of the imperialists against the oppressed countries, their true character being wars of conquest for a redistribution and a huge stage for this – amongst other stages – reaches from Central Asia to the Sub-Saharan Africa and it will be even widened. Only by understanding this, it is possible to recognize the character of the imperialist wars of conquest against the oppressed people and nations, that we see in Palestine, Iraq, Afghanistan, Mali, Syria, Libya, etc. The very same war of conquest unleashes the rage of the people that is rising in powerful armed struggle and becoming the political, moral and through this, military, inferno for the imperialists that are, which must be seen in perspective as nothing more than paper tigers.

All this creates better objective conditions for the world revolution. Only the fiercest revisionist and opportunists can try to negate the great ripening of the objective conditions in all the countries, especially in the oppressed countries, that are the basis of the world revolution and the spoils of the undergoing redistribution.

Currently all main contradictions on the world sharpen, because mainly the historical principal contradiction is sharpening, the one between oppressed nations on one side and the imperialist nation on the other, as well as the third contradiction, the inter-imperialist one.  Nonetheless, the imperialist war of aggression echoes back in the corresponding imperials countries as it already does, by sharpening the class struggle between proletariat and bourgeoisie. So one can grasp, that the storm-centres of revolution are in the oppressed countries, but that Communist Parties in the respective imperialist countries must be constituted or reconstituted and that People's Wars must be initiated and developed.

The masses rise in rebellion all over the world, there is great decay of imperialism and linked to a number of complex wars, that will definitely be swept-away by the world revolution in the period of the 50 to 100 years. This is the stage of the strategic offensive of proletarian world revolution, that advances with a new great wave formed by the wars of resistance and People's Wars, amongst whom the latter are the principal ones in perspective.

Only through what was given to us by Chairman Mao, we can understand the current situation of the countries within the so-called Extended Middle East like Syria, where two contradictions sharpen and three forces act. The two contradictions are: 1) the contradiction between oppressed Nations and imperialist nations, the principal contradiction, and 2) the inter-imperialist contradiction, the secondary contradiction. The three forces are: 1) USA-Imperialism, the sole hegemonic superpower, principal enemy, and its temporary allies; 2) the atomic superpower Russia, and its temporary allies; 3) the attacked country, Syria, that includes all national classes and minorities, except a handful of treacherous disciples of the theory of national subjugation.  Even though the just struggle for resistance is being fought heroically by the masses and must be supported by the revolutionaries, it is still a week force. To strengthen it and to ensure the effective liberation of the masses in the future, a proletarian leadership is inevitable. This calls for the communists of Syria to reconstitute their Communist Party in the midst of the crucible of armed struggle in order to construct the united front of national resistance against the imperialist aggressors under the slogan “Death to the occupants!” and, after the expulsion of the external aggressor, to leader the national democratic revolution to its culmination, all through People's War. The communists of the world must also firmly adapt the slogan “Down with the imperialist war of aggression! Death to the occupants!” and applied by People's War, in order to show the way of serving the development of the proletarian world revolution.

The glorious People's Wars in India, Peru, Philippines and Turkey threaten to ignite the whole prairie. The People's Wars, despite thousand difficulties, show that the true terrorists are the imperialist bandits and that the people's masses are the true heroic creators of a new world. The ongoing People's Wars are part of the mighty east wind that continues to blow in order to wipe away imperialism from the face of earth and they must be supported decisively.

In order to develop proletarian world revolution we need more People's War, People's War to withstand the imperialist wars, to make the democratic revolution and to make the socialist revolution. For this, in each country the communist party must be, conditionally to the country,  constituted or reconstituted, the teachings of Lenin applied to go to the deepest and broadest masses to educate them in revolutionary violence, to sweep-away the gigantic pile of trash and to relentlessly struggle against opportunism and revisionism.

This is a struggle rich with strokes of fate within the struggle for live and death between Marxism and revisionism, between left and right. Revisionists, rightist and all other sorts of agents of reaction seek to negate the progress of Maoism, the new great wave of the proletarian world revolution and the current stage that is the offensive of the world revolution to serve their reactionary interests. It is necessary to crush all those points of view that try to negate the existence and sharpening of the three fundamental contradictions on international level and especially the principal contradiction, the one between oppressed Nations and imperialist nations.

People's War is necessary in all countries and on all continents in order to accomplish the revolution in each country and to wipe away imperialism from the face of earth by means of World People's War. And because People's War is the war of the people, all-roundly led by the communist party, it is the central and principal task to, conditionally to the country, constitute or reconstitute the communist party on the firm basis of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism where People's Wars was not yet initiated and to strengthen the marxist-leninist-maoist bases, in order to develop People's War for the conquest of power, as the only guarantee to overcome the difficulties and to finish the revolution, where they has already been initiated.

The historical experience of the International Communist Movement demonstrate with each break out of revolution in an oppressed country anew, that the big bourgeoisie and landowners of those countries are not simply standing against desperately, but unify with the force various imperialist forces and strive to crush the revolutionary movement by means of an alliance with the local and foreign reaction and revisionism. This demands proletarian internationalism firmly anchored in practice, supporting the struggle of brethren Parties and intensifying the Two-Line-Struggle within the International Communist Movement, to foreground the urge for unity on the basis of criticism and self-criticism, ensuring that in each moment the revolutionary line prevails. The steps taken by the participating parties and organisations of this V. Meeting of the marxist-leninist-maoist parties and organisations of Latin America in this regard are important and are concrete parts that contribute to the necessary task to reconstitute the Communist International on the basis of Maoism and People's War.

Additionally, we must continuously deepen our comprehension and application of Maoism as our sole guarantee for victory, in midst of the class struggle and the two-line-struggle and in the light of the historical experiences of the International Communist Movement. Only then we can carry on the struggle against the deviation of the right and the “left”, give orientation to the revolutionaries so that the fundamental contradictions are not “between bourgeois dictatorship and fascism” or “between revolution and reforms”, but rather reaffirm the principal teachings of Marx that he drew from the glorious days of the Paris Commune: That the people is not served by simply changing the government, that participation in the old state will be of no use, but to win great victories and to overthrow the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and it reactionary allies and to construct the dictatorship of the proletariat, as the great Lenin and Chairman Mao masterfully summarized as: “Everything is illusion, but the power” and “All power comes from the barrel of a gun”.

Comrades, in 1848 Marx and Engels formulation this great call: “Proletarians of all countries, unite!”. Since then this slogan inspired the struggles of the proletariat on the whole world and led it to the way of emancipation.

When the historical stage of imperialism began, Lenin formulated this great call for the new historical conditions: “Workers of all countries and oppressed nations, unite!” that united the proletarian movement for the construction of socialism with the national struggles for freedom in the colonial and semi-colonial countries.

Today, Yankee-imperialism, the principal enemy of the people of the world,  still sows chaos on the whole planet and is earning the hatred of the people of the world, that want their liberation and rise in resistance. As communists we have the duty to fulfil our tasks even firmer to direct the potential force of the people of the world against this giant on clay feet, uniting all anti-imperialist forces with the call of Chairman Mao Tsetung himself: “People of the world, unite and defeat the U.S. Aggressors and all their running dogs! People of the world, be courageous, dare to fight, defy difficulties and advance wave upon wave. Then the whole world will belong to the people. Monsters of all kinds shall be destroyed.”

 

Long live the new great wave of the proletarian world revolution!
Down with imperialism and all its lackeys! Crush revisionism!
Long live the People's Wars!
Glory and honour to the communist heroes!
Defend the live of Chairman Gonzalo!


V. Meeting of marxist-leninist-maoist parties and organisations of Latin America

Communist Party of Brazil (Red Faction)
Communist Party of Ecuador – Red Sun
Popular Movement of Peru (Reorganisation Committee)
Red Faction of the Communist Party of Chile
Revolutionary Front of the People of Bolivia MLM
Maoist Organization for the Reconstitution of the Communist Party of Columbia
Committee Red Flag – FRG

Other signing parties and organizations:
Committees for the Founding of the (Maoist) Communist Party, Austria
Current of the People Red Sun - Mexico

We document this inofficial translation of the Document of the Vth meeting of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties and organizations in Latin America

 

Resolution of Class Solidarity with the Communist Party of India (maoist) and the People’s War
Vth meeting of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties and organizations in Latin America


Proletarians of all countries, unite!

Celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution with People’s War until communism!

The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR) constitutes the highest milestone in the history of the class struggle of the proletariat. This year marks 50 years from its initiation in 1966 and within the context of the 50th anniversary, the communist parties and organizations that sign this declaration consider it fundamental take a stand on this great event. The GPCR is principally a political revolution, and given its significance, it must mobilize every communist and revolutionary to propagandise it in a bold and determined way. But this is not enough, at the same time, it is necessary to develop a sharp struggle against revisionism and all opportunism which is aiming to present the GPCR as separated from the current problems of the ICM.

The lessons from the GPCR demand a clear demarcation and brand the revisionists who are trying to haggle with it, generate confusion and catch gullibles. We need to see clearly that the revisionist and capitulationist line in Peru – today with an own organization PCP/MOVADEF and the clique of José in VRAE –, the avakianism with its absurdity of the “new synthesis”, prachandism and its “socialism of the 21th century” and its “multiparty competition”, among other dreadful expressions of the new revisionism, trying to portray Chairman Mao into an ordinary liberal and reinterpret the GPCR as an event without validity and revolutionary sharpness. Their vile lies smash into pieces by the strategic offensive of the proletarian world revolution and the campaign for Maoism we are developing. Instead, the international proletariat, full of communist pride, hoisting its undamaged red flag, to higher peaks, is going to advance in a tireless struggle towards the classless society, the communist society. Hoist, defend and apply Maoism!

On the international situation and class struggle

The current international situation would be incomprehensible without the theory of class struggle and its development by Maoism. Only through this theory we understand that the fundamental contradictions of this epoch are the ones between oppressed nations and imperialism, between proletariat and bourgeoisie and inter-imperialists contradictions, that today the contradiction between socialism and capitalism exists only in the ideological and historical field and that the main contradiction is between oppressed nations and imperialism; that imperialism comprises the powers and super-powers that develop through collusion and rivalry, and the oppressed countries, the Third World, are the loot of the struggle for the distribution of the world, at the same time they are the base of the world revolution and revolutionary storm centres; that the revolution is the main political and historical tendency; and that the proletarian world revolution is in its third phase, the strategic offensive, an epoch of the ‘next 50 to 100 years’, in which imperialism is decaying further and will be completely swept away by the proletarian world revolution through the world people’s war, a process that was initiated by the new great wave of the proletarian world revolution.

In the relation to this understanding of the three fundamental contradictions in the current world – a decisive issue which is negated by the new revisionism – about which the main struggles of Marxism and revisionism are taking place.

Lenin teaches: “The economic relationships of imperialism constitute the basis of the existing international situation. The history of the XX Century has been defined completely by this new phase of capitalism, its last and highest phase”; and that the world’s division between oppressed nations and oppressing nations is a distinct characteristic of imperialism. Therefore, to understand the current situation we cannot start from the fundamental contradiction of capitalism, since we are in its superior and last phase, imperialism.

One of the laws of class struggle is violence, exacerbated in the epoch of imperialism, since imperialism is war and political reaction all along the line. The imperialist oppression transforms the oppressed nations into areas of distribution, meaning in economic territories turned into colonies or semi-colonies of one or another imperialist power or super-power. The imperialists strive for the partition of those countries and the new distribution to reconfigure the map of the so-called Greater Middle East through the war of aggression, in the midst of a sharp conflict for maintaining their hegemony and the search for a way out of its profound economic crisis. The civil war in Syria is an expression of this law.

The events in the so-called Middle East represent an oddly assorted accumulation of indecipherable facts without perspective, without the important tool of analysis and transformation, which is the theory of class struggle, applied to the international situation it includes the thesis of Chairman Mao on ‘three worlds that are delineated’. To comprehend such a complex panorama, like what is going on in Syria, Iraq or Turkey - where an intricate coming and going of millions of human lives permanently drives the historical development - we need to firmly grab the class struggle. Only by applying the theory of class struggle and including the fundamental contradictions of the current world it is possible to comprehend that the so-called Middle East today forms the part of the globe where the fundamental contradictions are converging; that the imperialist war of aggression is for the dismemberment and new distribution of those oppressed countries – unleashed there since the early 1990ies - sharpening all the contradictions and spurring the revolution; that the main thing for us is to struggle to lead the storm of the armed struggle of the oppressed nations which is rising there against imperialism, mainly Yankee imperialism, without disregarding the atomic superpower Russia and all the other imperialist powers; and that the current problem is that the struggle is not developing correctly due to the lack of political guidance by the Communist Party.

Starting from what Chairman Mao developed, we can comprehend the current situation of countries like Ukraine, Syria, Iraq, Libya and Afghanistan, where two fundamental contradictions sharpen and three forces act. The two contradictions are: 1) the contradiction between oppressed nations/people and imperialism, main contradiction, and 2) the inter-imperialist contradiction, secondary contradiction. The three forces are: 1) US-imperialism, sole hegemonic superpower, and its temporally allies; 2) the atomic superpower Russia, and its temporally allies; 3) the oppressed nations, including all its classes and national minorities, excepting a bunch of traitors, followers of the theory of national subjugation. These forces (oppressed nations and national minorities) are temporary and relatively weak, since the Communist Party which unifies them in the United Front against the imperialist aggression is still missing, to prevent them from being used as peons or boots on the ground by the imperialists.

To solve the main contradiction in these countries, a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Communist Party is needed to lead a United Front of national resistance, capable of uniting all the willing forces to fight to defeat the imperialist invader and culminate the revolution of new democracy through people’s war. It is not to misinterpret what was clearly established by Chairman Mao about the independency and self-determination inside the United Front. The desire for freedom of the peoples of the so-called Middle East and the desire to throw off every foreign yoke will not be anything else but illusions if Communist Parties are not constituted or reconstituted, according to the situation, which are firmly grasping the laws of class struggle and in consequence, transform their armed struggles into peoples’ wars.

We insist, without the real proletarian leadership and its organized vanguard, the national struggle - including the struggle of the national minorities - is condemned to serve any command staff, and such it is condemned to subjugation. These are ineluctable laws of the development of class struggle and to try denying them or declaring them outdated or for anything else, is revisionism.

Both, in the current international situation and in the struggle for the establishment and defence of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the class struggle is the guideline that allows us to connect every event to each other and to find and handle the laws which influence its development. Therefore, we must study the international situation in the light of Maoism. And it is in the light of Maoism that we must struggle to lead the revolution in each country, as part and to serve the proletarian world revolution.

The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution – GPCR

The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution constitutes, historically and politically, the highest expression of the proletarian class struggle on international level, the defence of the dictatorship of the proletariat, conceived as an all-round dictatorship over the bourgeois.

In a society divided by classes, the class struggle is a historic law. The Marxists, in consequence, apply it to all phenomena of social life, recognizing it in the most diverse expressions of contemporary life. The class struggle develops in the ideological, political, economic and military fields; but above all it is fundamental to comprehend that the class struggle necessarily leads to the dictatorship of the proletariat. As the great Lenin said: “Only he is a Marxist who extends the recognition of the class struggle to the recognition of the dictatorship of the proletariat”. In this sense, the GPCR is the struggle for the establishment of the all-around dictatorship of the proletariat, the recognition of the objective existence of classes in the whole period of construction of socialism and the dictatorship of the proletariat, of antagonistic contradictions between classes, of the bourgeoisie inside the party itself and of the continuation of class struggle during the whole period of socialism until communism.

And like it was established since the beginning of the GPCR: “Although the bourgeoisie has been overthrown, it is still trying to use the old ideas, culture, customs and habits of the exploiting classes to corrupt the masses, capture their minds and endeavour to stage a comeback. The proletariat must do the exact opposite: it must meet head-on every challenge of the bourgeoisie in the ideological field and use the new ideas, culture, customs and habits of the proletariat to change the mental outlook of the whole of society”.

With the Great Leap Forward and the establishment of the People’s Communes in 1957 -1958 it was given an effective advance in the development of collective property economics and the socialist revolution, constituting a victory against the right opportunism in a period in which, on an international level, capitalism was restoring in the USSR and in the rest of the countries of Eastern Europe.

Chairman Mao warned in 1962: “don’t ever forget the class struggle”. The same year, with the socialist education movement, it was possible to give a new impulse to the struggle against the followers of the capitalist road in the countryside. In 1965, the criticism of philosophy and the criticism of the art forms which were driven by bourgeois and revisionist elements in the field of culture, prepare the soil for launching the GCPR in 1966. Initially, those who tried to control the implementation of the Cultural Revolution were revisionist elements which nested within the highest leadership of the Party, whose counter-revolutionary way of actin, was exposed later. People like Liu Shao-chi, then President of the People’s Republic of China, his front man and chief of the Party in Peking, Peng Sheng, the member of the Party Committee in Peking and the person responsible for propaganda and press organisms of the CPC and of the state, Lu Ting-yi, among others, frenetically plotted their antiparty and antisocialist positions for restoring capitalism.

In this sense, Chairman Mao’s line has comprehended this fundamental issue: “The socialist society emerges from the bosom of the old society. It is not easy to liquidate the idea of the private property formed during thousands of years of class society, nor the force of habit or the ideological and cultural influence of the exploiting classes linked to the private property. The spontaneous forces of the petty bourgeoisie in the city and on the countryside constantly create new bourgeois elements. As the ranks of the workers grow in number and range, some impure elements infiltrate them. And after the conquest of power and living in an environment of peace, a certain number of people in the ranks of the cadres of the Party and of the state organisms degenerate. At the same time, in the international level, the imperialism, headed by the USA, and the reactionary of the diverse countries strive to eliminate us through the counter-revolutionary double tactic: threats of war and ‘peaceful evolution’. The contemporary revisionist group, with the direction of the Soviet Union Communist Party as its centre, tries to defeat us as well, by all its possible means. If we forget the class struggle in these circumstances and abandon our vigilance, we would run the risk of losing the Power and allow that capitalism restores”.

Under Chairman Mao’s direction, the directive of the XI Plenary Session of the Central Committee of the 8th  of August 1966, it was clearly defined: “The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution now unfolding is a great revolution that touches people to their very souls and constitutes a new stage in the development of the socialist revolution in our country, a stage which is both broader and deeper.[…] Although the bourgeoisie has been overthrown, it is still trying to use the old ideas, culture, customs and habits of the exploiting classes to corrupt the masses, capture their minds and endeavour to stage a comeback.” And that in the cultural revolution: “At present, our objective is to struggle against and overthrow those persons in authority who are taking the capitalist road, to criticize and repudiate the reactionary bourgeois academic “authorities” and the ideology of the bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes and to transform education, literature and art and all other parts of the superstructure not in correspondence with the socialist economic base, so as to facilitate the consolidation and development of the socialist system”.

It were the masses of young students, in 1966, animated and stimulated by the Communist Party, with Chairman Mao in the fore, who started the mass criticism and, hence denounced the handful of stubborn revisionists that usurped the power in different departments of the party itself and the state. The all-around dictatorship of the proletariat was necessary to defeat the gang of opportunist and revisionist followers of the capitalist road. There could not remain any place in the party and in the state for bourgeois elements, but to smash those individuals was not an administrative problem, but was about the broad mass mobilization and the criticism which they did.

To defeat and expose the opposition of the followers of the capitalist road, the Party, under the correct revolutionary line of Chairman Mao, needed to base itself on the masses, stimulating their own initiative. Like the directive of the 8th of August 1966 pointed out: “Trust the masses, rely on them and respect their initiative. Cast out fear. Don’t be afraid of disturbances. Chairman Mao has often told us that revolution cannot be so very refined, so gentle, so temperate, kind, courteous, restrained and magnanimous. Let the masses educate themselves in this great revolutionary movement and learn to distinguish between right and wrong and between correct and incorrect ways of doing things. Make the fullest use of big-character posters and great debates to argue matters out, so that the masses can clarify the correct views, criticize the wrong views and expose all the ghosts and monsters. In this way the masses will be able to raise their political consciousness in the course of the struggle, enhance their abilities and talents, distinguish right from wrong and draw a clear line between ourselves and the enemy”.

The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is the method to mobilize the masses and them express all their creative power in the criticism of the revisionists, “it is a method to uncover all the dark that is in the party”, said Chairman Mao. At the IX Congress of 1969 it was cited what Chairman Mao exposed in a conversation in February 1967: “In the past we waged struggles in rural areas, in factories, in the cultural field, and we carried out the socialist education movement. But all this failed to solve the problem because we did not find a form, a method, to arouse the broad masses to expose our dark aspect openly, in an all-round way and from below”.

The form, the means, the method was the critic by the masses. This allowed to fully bring into play the initiative of masses to expose the antiparty and antisocialist “black gang”, followers of the capitalist road, who succeeded in usurping a part of the power. The problem was not only the removal of this or that leader of the followers of the capitalist road, the great task consisted in mobilizing the masses and to make them bombard the bourgeois headquarters on their own initiative. This is still important, because the problem was not just fighting against a political line, the issue was also the struggle against the organisational line which Liu Shao-chi built up and which allowed him to have a significant presence in different state and party entities through impenitent followers of the capitalist road.

Initiated among the sections of the youth, principally students, the GPCR soon propagated to the broad masses of workers and peasants. At the end of 1966 the class struggle sharpened in Shanghai. In January 1967 the revolutionary storm breaks out in this important industrial city and a clique of usurpers was defeated, recapturing the proletarian power and re-establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat. Chang Chung-chiao had an active role in these events, giving a proper direction in this struggle. The revisionists  who were installed in the Shanghai municipality were defeated and in February 1967 the Revolutionary Committee of the Shanghai Municipality is founded as the new power organism of the working class, led by the Party, concentrated in the Revolutionary Committees.

Later, in March 1967 progress was made in the Great Strategic Plan for the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. The document reads as following: “This document could be distributed to the whole country to be acted upon accordingly. The army should give military and political training in the universities, middle schools and the higher classes of primary schools, for levels and groups. This should help in re-opening school classes, strengthening organization, setting up the leading bodies on the principle of the "three in one combination" and carrying out the task of "struggle-criticism-transformation." First, experiments should be done at selected locations and then expanded step by step. And the students should be convinced to implement the teaching of Marx that the proletariat can only achieve its final emancipation by emancipating all mankind, and that those teachers and cadres who have made mistakes in military and political training should not be excluded. Apart from the aged and the sick, these people should be allowed to take part so as to facilitate their re-education. If all this is not done conscientiously, it is difficult to solve the problems”.

In the IX Congress in 1969 it was decided as a fundamental line of the Party for the whole historical phase of socialism, issues that Chairman Mao had established in a plenum of the Central Committee in 1962: “The socialist society will last a relatively long historical phase. During this historical phase of socialism, classes, class contradictions and class struggle will still exist; the struggle between the socialist and the capitalist road and the danger of capitalist restoration exists. We have to comprehend how long and complicated this struggle is and raise our vigilance. It is necessary to carry out the socialist education. It is necessary to understand and handle the problems of class contradictions and class struggle correctly and to precisely distinguish the contradictions between us and the enemy that exist in the bosom of the people, and to handle them in a correct way. Otherwise, a socialist country like ours will convert into its opposite, will degenerate, and the restoration will occur. From now on, we have to talk about this every year, every month and every day, so that we have a relative clear comprehension of this problem and follow a Marxist-Leninist line”.

On Restoration: lessons for the future

The counter-revolutionary coup that the revisionists conducted against the Communist Party of China, against the state of the dictatorship of the proletariat, is a sign of how sharp the class struggle and the two-line struggle in the Party becomes in the society during socialism. Chairman Mao, in May 1963, facing the advance of people like Liu Shao-chi, prudently pointed out the risks which entail a grave situation like this: “Then it would not take much time, maybe some years or a decade or several decades at most, to create a counter-revolutionary restoration at a national level, to transform the Marxist-Leninist party to a revisionist party or a fascist party and the whole China will change its colour”.

Later, in 1966, continuing this issue, he warned: “The bourgeois representatives that had infiltrated the Party, the government, the army and the different sectors of the cultural sector are a bunch of counter-revolutionary revisionists. If the possibility arises, they would take the Power and transform the dictatorship of the proletariat in the dictatorship of the bourgeois”.

The bourgeois dictatorship established in October 1976 is a fascist dictatorship, and the party that leads it is a fascist party, only revisionists and opportunists keep calling the monstrosity that governs in China today a Communist Party. Chairman Mao warned of this again in 1976:

“I have never stopped believing that in China there is a possibility of a restoration of capitalism on a great scale. A countrywide scale. If this restoration comes, bad things will  come. Sufferings will be back, but, inevitably, the revolution will also come back”.

The same is pointed out in a letter of the same year that he sent to comrade Chiang Ching. We quote a fragment:

“In the struggle of the past ten years
I have tried to reach the peak of the revolution,
But I had failed…
Maybe you can reach the peak.
If you fail you will drown in a bottomless abyss,
Your body will be torn apart,
Your bones will break.
No agreement with the others is good.
If the sword turns around, and I think it had been turned
against the revolution. One more time it will be needed
the guerrilla warfare…the new Yenan …”

And last, also in words written by Chairman Mao in 1966 to comrade Chiang Ching: “In China, after the emperor was overthrown in 1911, no reactionary was able to stay long in power. If the Rightists were to stage an anti-Communist coup d’etat in China, I am sure they would have no peace either and their rule would most probably be short-lived, because it would never be tolerated by the revolutionaries who represent the interests of the people constituting more than 90 per cent of the population”. Conclusion: the perspectives are brilliant, but the way is tortuous. These two formulations continue to be valid.

It is important to highlight that all of this occurs in the period that the Chairman pointed out as the ‘next 50 to 100 years’ in which the rule of imperialism will be brought down, time of the major decomposition of imperialism and in which it will be swept from the face of the earth by the proletarian world revolution. An important thesis to rub in the face of contemporary opportunists and revisionists.

The Communist Party of China, its construction and the two-line struggle during the GPCR

In 1974 the brochure “A basic understanding of the Party” was published in China. In this important document, the CPC draws a balance of the experience of the Party and its role in the GPCR; it is also synthesized in the basic program and the basic line of the party, the construction of the party, the two-line struggle and the tasks of education and re-education led by it. This brochure is an advanced exposition of the principles which establish what an authentic Communist Party must be and which most consistent application was performed by Chairman Gonzalo, developing the Marxist theory on the party with the thesis of militarization and the concentric construction.

The brochure explains the reflection of the class struggle in the party as two-line struggle, sometimes high, sometimes low, as the tide; the importance of ten great two-line struggles that were fought in the Communist Party of China are highlighted, including the struggles against Liu Shao-chi and Lin Piao, and there is no doubt it was necessary to develop some more. There was fought a two-line struggle against Chen Po-ta and Teng Siao-ping but, finally, taking advantage of a favourable correlation of forces, these two took advantage of their own forces to strike at the Left and to transform the Party into a fascist party.

The GPCR, the criticism of the masses of Lin Piao, the movement for the rectification of style of work, initiated and led by Chairman Mao, was able to contain and smash the counter-revolutionary offensive that Lin Piao and Liu Shao-chi tried to drive to change the party character and restore capitalism. Unquestionably the party was purified. Nevertheless, to advance towards the classless society, one, two or three cultural revolutions were not enough, but many more. During the GPCR, the two-line struggle in the bosom of the Communist Party of China reached never seen levels, giving huge lessons to the coming revolutionary generations. In the same brochure “A basic understanding of the Party” it was sustained: “The two-line struggle within the Party over the question of its character has always been very sharp. All of the leaders of the opportunist lines have always tried by every means to pervert the character of the political party of the proletariat, in order to serve their own criminal goal of sabotaging the proletarian revolution. […] The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and the movement to criticise Lin Piao and rectify the style of work personally initiated and led by Chairman Mao, completely smashed the criminal plots of Liu Shao-chi and Lin Piao to change the nature of our Party and to restore capitalism. Our Party came out purified, more solid, and more vigorous than ever. The struggle between the two lines inside the party profoundly demonstrates that safeguarding the character of the Party is a matter of great importance. It' is intimately connected with the destiny of the Party and the state, and with the question of whether the revolution will win victory or go down to defeat. To continually build our Party, making use of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought, to expose and frustrate the plots of the revisionists to pervert the character of the Party — this will provide the guarantee that our Party will always retain its proletarian character”.

Some of the problems of this two-line struggle that developed in the bosom of the Communist Party of China and in the Chinese society were: the handling of the two-line struggle itself; the deficient handling of the two types of contradictions - between us and the enemy, and in the bosom of the people - that left room for the revisionists; absence of a new and firm impulse for the GPCR after the attempted coup of Lin Piao, the “right deviationist winds” and the disturbances sowed by Teng Siao-ping in 1975 and 1976 during the funerals of Chu En-lai, etc. The revisionist line had great space to develop.

The two-line struggle had important advances, but cunning revisionists like Teng Siao-ping and its clique found the auspicious moment to overtake the contradictions in the bosom of the people and to overtake the power through a fascist coup, exposing problems not solved by the revolution. One of the main issues is the insufficient application of the proletarian military line regarding the ‘sea of armed masses’,  which should have been expressed through the transmission of greater competence to the people’s militias, like more control over the PLA, thus it became relatively easy to be usurped because of its centralization. Chairman Gonzalo, understanding this question and contributing to the proletarian military line - meaning to the people’s war - brought up the need of the concentric construction of the three instruments of the revolution and the need of integrating the people’s militia into the revolutionary army in order to be guard against the capitalist restoration, aiming at the ‘sea of armed masses’.

How it was defined by Chairman Gonzalo, fundamental in Maoism is the power, that means “the power for the proletariat, the Power for the dictatorship of the proletariat, the power based on an armed force led by the Communist Party. More explicitly: 1) The power under leadership of the proletariat in the democratic revolution; 2) the power for the dictatorship of the proletariat in the socialist and cultural revolutions; 3) the power based on an armed force led by the Communist Party, a power conquered and defended by People’s War” and the core of people’s war is the New Power. Therefore, being Marxists-Leninists-Maoist, fighting to develop people’s war, we must apply the advances reached in the construction of the New Power during the GPCR, which have the system of “three in one combination” as a substantial element. In Nepal this was not applied, but instead representatives of bureaucratic bourgeois and landlord parties were incorporated in what they called “New Power”, what became a house of cards. It is an issue to study and debate to deepen our understanding of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism. This is a question to which all the parties and organizations must pay attention, whatever their level of development is. Given that what is fundamental in Maoism is the construction of the New Power, be it in an current form or in perspective, it is also fundamental for our understanding of the construction of the three instruments of the revolution and allows us to better understand the necessity of the concentric construction and how to handle it.

This way, taking the experience of the GPCR, we can understand the necessity of developing people’s war until communism. Chairman Gonzalo teaches us: “Without a People’s Army the people will have nothing, says Chairman Mao, at the same time that he teaches us the need of the absolute lead of the Party over the army and establishes his great principle: The Party leads the guns and we will never allow the opposite. Aside of completely establishing the principles and norms of the construction of an army of the new type, the Chairman himself called to prevent the use of the army for the capitalist restoration usurping the direction through a counter-revolutionary coup, and by developing Lenin’s thesis on the people’s militia he drove the general armament of the people further than anyone before him, opening the path and showing the way towards the ‘armed sea of masses’ that would lead us towards the definitive emancipation of the people and the proletariat”. The way in which Chairman Mao instructed comrade Chiang Ching, is how we must understand the communist’s role: develop the guerrilla war - specifically, the people’s war - if the revisionists usurp the power.

As long as there are classes, there will be class struggle, because that is how the law of contradiction specifies in the class society; the highest way of solving the contradictions in the class society is the war and, because of that, until the whole mankind enters to communism there will always be the need of the people’s war. Studying the GPCR, we understand more deeply the omnipotence of the revolutionary war, meaning the people’s war, Maoism and how to apply it. All of these are lessons of the class struggle in the GPCR.

The zigzags that the party faced in its inner struggle in that period also confirm the correctness and validity of the thesis that revisionism is the main danger.

Yes, on one hand, the two-line struggle reached higher levels of sharpening and antagonism that finally led to the destruction of the party and its transformation into a fascist party, distinct from and opposite to the proletariat, on the other hand it would have been impossible to reach the heights that the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution reached without the sharp two-line struggle displayed by Chairman Mao and the Left inside the party. The role of the Communist Party of China and of Chairman Mao in the leadership of this earth shaking second revolution cannot be vanished, without also vanishing the elevation of Mao-Tse-Tung-Thought to a new, third and higher stage of Marxism, Maoism.

Continuers of the revolution

Another question to which Chairman Mao gave great importance was the preparation of the continuers of the revolutionary cause of the proletariat. Considered as a strategic task by the Party, its main revolutionary cadres dedicated huge efforts to it. About this Chairman Mao said: “In the final analysis, the question of training successors for the revolutionary cause of the proletariat is one of whether or not there will be people who can carry on the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary cause started by the older generation of proletarian revolutionaries, whether or not the leadership of our Party and state will remain in the hands of proletarian revolutionaries, whether or not our descendants will continue to march along the correct road laid down by Marxism-Leninism, or, in other words, whether or not we can successfully prevent the emergence of Khrushchov's revisionism in China. In short, it is an extremely important question, a matter of life and death for our Party and our country. It is a question of fundamental importance to the proletarian revolutionary cause for a hundred, a thousand, nay ten thousand years”.

The GPCR today

The meaning of the GPCR lies not only in recognizing it as the struggle against the capitalist restoration in the epoch of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the construction of socialism and bringing up the problem of the ideological transformation, of changing the soul of the people. It is not enough, and not because it is incorrect, but because we must develop the understanding of Maoism in relation to the question of the two-line struggle, and this means recognizing Chairman Mao’s line on the universal validity of the people’s war, developed by Chairman Gonzalo through the thesis of ‘people’s war until communism’ and, in consequence, understand the GPCR from the Maoist line and not from the conciliatory positions.

In 1963 the Great Polemic erupts. In the course of this struggle the Letter of 25 Points and the Nine Comments were published, which exposed with sharpness the nature of the contemporary revisionism, the sinister role played by Nikita Khrushchev in the capitalist restoration in the USSR in 1956 and his betrayal to the ICM. Some ignored what was done by the CPC and by Chairman Mao, ignored at the same time the GPCR, its advances, and especially, the development of Marxism into a new, third and higher stage.

Defending the GPCR is assuming Maoism as the new, third and higher stage of Marxism, in the two-line struggle in the bosom of the ICM, as class struggle in the ideological and political fields, and to constitute or reconstitute, corresponding to the situation, militarized Communist Parties to unleash peoples’ wars all over the world and impose Maoism as command and guide of the proletarian world revolution, giving an impulse to the new great wave of the proletarian world revolution.

Long live the 50th anniversary of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution!

Sweep away revisionism and all opportunism!

Long live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism!

Communist Party of Brazil (Red Faction)
Communist Party of Ecuador – Red Sun
Popular Movement of Peru (Reorganisation Committee)
Red Faction of the Communist Party of Chile
Revolutionary Front of the People of Bolivia MLM
Maoist Organization for the Reconstitution of the Communist Party of Columbia
Committee Red Flag – FRG

Other signing parties and organizations:
Committees for the Founding of the (Maoist) Communist Party, Austria
Current of the People Red Sun - Mexico

May, 2016

Today we publish a translation of the document "Über die Haltung der Antiimperialisten zur PKK" by Alexandra Becker.

Nachdem bereits eine Übersetzung ins Spanische erfolgte, dokumentieren wir an dieser Stelle eine englischsprachige Übersetzung des Dokuments der KLASSENSTANDPUNKT-Redaktion "Das Streben des deutschen Imperialismus sich zu einer Supermacht zu entwickeln", die uns übersandt wurde.

On Monday the 19th of December a truck drove through a Christmas fair in Berlin, 12 people were killed and almost 50 were injured. The German bourgeois press and some bourgeois politicians quickly talked about a “terrorist attack”.

If it is an attack like the one in Nice (France), a now quite often drawn parallel, it can not be an excuse to demand solidarity with the imperialist state FRG. The communists are always on the side of the international proletariat and the peoples of the world. There is no justifiability of the imperialists and those who profit from their blood sucking, to demand that we should show more solidarity with the civilian victims in the imperialist countries than with the hundred of thousands times more victims in the oppressed countries by the imperialist aggression. The communists are revolutionary defeatists who wish for the defeat of the imperialist state in which they work.

Wir veröffentlichen hier eine englische Übersetzung des Flugblatts der Revolutionären Front zur Verteidigung der Rechte des Volkes - Brasilien zur Olympia in Rio de Janeiro.

Wir verweisen auch auf die Übersetzungen in Deutsch, Spanisch und Portugiesisch.

 

The Olympic Games take place from 5 August and 21 August and the Paralympics from 7 until 18 September in Rio de Janeiro following the example of the 2014 World Cup, which was realised through a literal military operation, under the guise of preventing terrorist attacks. In reality this is done to limit the movement of the poor population, curtail the right to assembly and organisation of the masses, while the demoralised governments see themselves forced into a corner by the coming justified rebellion of the people against their excesses and systematic repression of popular protests.

The Olympic Games are being held while the people of Rio de Janeiro and the whole country face exploitation and oppression, colossal unemployment, shrinking wages, enormous costs of living, increased debt (state debt, the source of the brazen plunder of the public coffers by bankers reach 3bn Reias (around $1bn) over the coming months), as well as immense police brutality and all sorts of suffering. Gruesome crimes and murders by police happen every day in the favelas and outer areas of the great metropolises, as well as in the interior of the country and the rural areas. The UPP (fortified police stations in the favelas) are centres of torture and the coercion against poor people and bases of oppression and slaughter. One example of the police’s licence to kill is the case of four police officers, who fired 111 rifle rounds into a car carrying five youth in Costa Barros, a suburb of Rio de Janeiro. The criminals behind this murder await  the judge’s verdict, still on the loose and on the beat. Forced evictions of peasants and indigenous people are a constant of the opration against the Guarani-Kaiowá (an indigenous people in Paraguay, Brazil and Argentina) in Mato Grosso do Sul, where military police, federal police and national security forces attacked the people and then retreated to allow armed bandits to go in all guns blazing, killing Guaraní health commissioner Clodiodi Achilles de Souza and gravely injuring six others.

In the name of the Olympics and the 2014 World Cup 22,059 families were evicted from their homes, amounting to around 77.206 people between 2009 and 2015 (according to data presented by the Administration of Rio de Janeiro in July 2015).

Epidemics like the Zika virus, dengue fever, the chikungunya  virus and the H1N1 swine flu are spreading, the suffering people stand in queues in front of Hospitals and public surgeries, whose supplies get worse every day – a lack of food for patients in hospitals, lack of doctors, medicine, stretchers, dirty wash rooms, blood stained bed clothes, broken windows. The payments of the pitiful wages at universities, schools and other public services is late, school meals at primary schools, research funding and even toilet paper are lacking. The late payment affects 393,143 public employees, including active pensioners. This situation of general collapse in Rio de Janeiro is the current reality of a part of the country and a sign of things to come for the rest of it.

Across the whole country workers are responding with strikes, demonstrations and all kinds of meetings. In the Olympic city pupils have occupied more than sixty schools to support the teachers’ strike and demand improvements and changes in the education system. In the countryside poor peasants, indigenous peoples and remnants of the Quilombo (name for the settlements of escaped black slaves) are fighting, occupying land and defending themselves against displacement, persecution, threats and murders through the big landlords and their armed bandits and police, which is swept under the rug by the judicial system.

The reactionary governor of the state of Rio de Janeiro, Francisco Dornelles, has proclaimed the “public state of catastrophe”, in the light of the apparent “severe financial crisis”. He has received more than 2.9mio Reais from interim president Michel Temer (PMDB), which he has designated to spend on “public security” during the Olympic and Paralympic Games. The decree authorises the use of “extraordinary measures required for the rationalisation of all essential public services for the Olympic and Paralympic Games Rio 2016”, which means more excesses and brutal repression against the people.

The costs of the Olympics are surpass an incredible 42bn Reais ($12.7bn), while funds for hospitals and the public health service, schools, the payment of public employees, housing for the people, a basic sanitary system, transport etc are lacking. This surpasses even the 27.1bn Reais (then almost $12bn) that were burnt for the 2014 World Cup. The structural corruption of the whole political and economic system of the country remains hidden, while the damage to the people rises.

The realisation of the Olympic Games is a certain party of the bankrupt plan of Luiz Inácio Lula and the PT to achieve great international attention for Brazil and force through their election projects, the continuation of the old administration of the Brazilian State, a just failed opportunistic project. It also follows the capitalist hellspawn in its last stage, rotten and dying: imperialism, and mainly Yankee imperialism, and its designs for greater hegemony and plunder of the riches of oppressed countries.

People of Brazil: Rebel!

The Olympic Games are a tool of the brazen politics of games without bread of the bourgeoisie and its monopoly on the press. Since the economic crisis hit millions have lost their jobs, consumer credit has been cut back, rights are restricted and wages precariarised. Legions of disowned and homeless travel the country and the cities and in the heart of the Brazilian people a revolt is brewing against all the injustices that they face every day.

The great revolts against the old and rotten Brazilian state are the order of the day. Today they are represented by the PMDB government and its supporters, heirs of the government of the PT/OMDB/PcdoB/PSB/PDT etc, who every day perpetrate all kinds of crimes against and trample on our people. The overthrow of the scum of corrupt politicians, foreign domination, big landlords, bankers, business people and other big capitalists is an urgent task that will require a long struggle.

Completely overthrowing this fascist state will require a great democratic revolution that can destroy it and during the struggle build up something new in its place: the people’s state of new democracy of the revolutionary united front, based on the worker-peasant alliance, together with all the exploited and oppressed. It is a great democratic revolution that will seamlessly transition to socialism that will smash this rotten state and sweep away the exploitation, oppression, the suffering, injustices and violence against our working people and will free the nation from the yoke of imperialism, mainly that of the Yankees.

To build the new one must destroy the old. And every democratic and revolutionary struggle of the people must raise the struggle to defend the interests of the people and fight for their rights to:

  • a general wage rise
  • social security and pension, provided by the state without cuts
  • free public transport for school children and students
  • free and adequate health provision and public education
  • against violence against women, for equal rights and the decriminalisation of abortions
  • punishment for the criminals of the military regime, those who ordered and carried out torture, murders and disappearances
  • an end to forced labour on the farms and plantations of PAC (growth acceleration programme) across the whole country
  • recognition and immediate delineation of the territories of the indigenous peoples and remnants of the Quilombo communities
  • Land to those who live and work on it
  • a stop to the bleeding of public coffers, which are doled out to banks and transnational corprorations
  • stop the mining operations that plunder natural riches and destroy the environment, nationalisation of the ore deposits, industrialisation and national production

However, we stress that our main demand is political power.

The peasants must take the whole land of big landlords across the whole country and make sure its ownership by any means necessary. The working class and other working people must make preparations for the big general strike, through partial strikes, blocking of roads, striving to unite all possible trade unions and people’s organisations upon the bases of the class line. The women and fighting youth must rise in stormy protests, occupy schools and universities and take the streets and parks. The popular masses of the whole country must rise to the democratic revolution!

The Brazilian people demands national production, wages, rights, land to those who work it and New Democracy!