Bolsonaro undertook his campaign repeating the slogan of being "against everything that is there". A fisherman in muddy water, he rode on the dissatisfaction of the masses, who were already incredulous of obtaining effective changes from the Petist administration that could end unemployment and provide decent conditions of education, health and security.


After the "stab", he left the podium into the social networks to proclaim to be an envoy of God, who "had just saved his life." With the backing of the "all-powerful" from heaven and the "all-powerful" of the land (the market), Bolsonaro was adopted by the high command of the reactionary Armed Forces, who had already set in motion the plan for a preventive military coup against the inevitable rebellion of the masses, a people already weary of so many misdeeds, injustices and rot.

When elected, as usual, he handed the conduct of economic policy to the market, this was done by the hands of a speculator adventurer, a declared hound of Yankee imperialism. Such was the servile eagerness of Paulo Guedes that the first clashes with the pseudo-nationalistic demagoguery of Bolsonaro appeared after ten days of management. See the case of Embraer.

The formation of a government that is supervised by the high command of the Armed Forces in order to bring the national subjugation to the extreme, far from being a panacea, it will only aggravate the deepest crisis of bureaucratic capitalism, the basis of every political and moral crisis in which Brazil linger. The centralization of economic policy in the hands of merchant lumpen already startles the very enlightened right-wing that manages the press monopolies. With the superpowers that was given to the Yankee agent and sheriff of “Lava Jato”, the moralizing crusade that has sharpened the crisis within the local ruling classes will now deepen the poverty and misery for the workers and their cruelest repression with the police-like regime.

Just as Bolsonaro did on his first day, lowering the value of the minimum wage, other measures are already prepared, aiming to exacerbate the exploitation of the labor force and to worsen the social assistance, education, health and greater militarization of housing areas with the consequent increase in the repression and genocide of the poor, providing free rein to the bloodthirsty practices and instincts in which the Armed Forces were trained in Haiti.

In stating that the ideological question is principal compared to corruption (understanding the ideological question as issues of "gender", "politically correct" and "cultural Marxism"), as well as the defense of handing over patriot territory to the Yankee military base, Bolsonaro uses all this as a smokescreen to cover up the continuity of the "toma lá-dá cá" [“take from there and hand over here”] policy and to forge ideological justification for his yellow and green homeland-seller project.

As the opinion polls show, the Brazilian people repudiate this nefarious and wide open lackey approach with the USA, which opened the game too much and irritated the barracks, from those who abhor such an act to those who, at the highest levels, take part in these treachery deals to the homeland, but they dissimulate themselves in the search of forming public opinion for the accomplishment of the crime.

By giving priority to the construction of prisons instead of investing in job creation, whose absence already condemns 27 million Brazilians, Bolsonaro and Moro aim only at repressive policies that comes from the consequences of a semicolonial and semi-feudal society, playing for the audience with the drama that public safety has already become. The severity of the crisis, however, goes far beyond the fiscal crisis of the old state, which is opportunistically used to accelerate the "social security reform", that is, the destruction of Social Security to impose the private security system handed over to the banks.

The local ruling classes – big bourgeois and landlords – and the imperialists, principally Yankees, know that they can no longer maintain their domination without a new restructuring of their old state, be it in the constitutional framework of absolutist centralization of power in the Executive, or in the framework of open fascism. In this attempt they will once again have to, rather sooner than later, tear their robes and their democratic veil. In the agrarian-peasant problem (rupture or maintenance of the land ownership system) and national (maintenance of national subjugation or the nationalization of banking, industry, transportation, foreign trade, national production, research and technological development, all in a self-centered and self-sustaining way) is the Gordian knot of national tragedy.
The national political experience of the successive shift governments of the most different parties has resulted in failures and the frustration of the masses regarding their smallest desires. This has increasingly led large contingents to realize that only the end of this system of exploitation and oppression can satisfy their basic material, spiritual needs and those of a liberated and just Nation. The electoral and messianic deceptions can only postpone its necessary end, but with that they only further dam, ferment and potentiate rebellion.

Therefore the serious problems of our country have deep roots, given that the democratic and national question, the most cluttered of our history, is pending of solution. The demand for this solution only makes it grow and the accumulation of energy to convert it into facts is immense. Only the deep and radical democratic revolution can give flow and fulfillment to it. This situation is independent of the will of anyone. That is why imperialism, principally Yankee, and their colony lackeys, especially their gendarmes of the high command of the Armed Forces who worship the sickly anti-communism, tremble at the very idea of revolution. For this very reason they need to demonize it to exhaustion.

The political crisis did not end (those who speak of "national union" are deceived), but only changed its quality. The advent of the Bolsonaro government brought the last bastion of support of the obsolete system of exploitation and oppression in sharp decomposition to the center of this crisis: the Armed Forces, through its high command. The inevitable failure of the current government and the gestating regime will be of those that, ultimately, are responsible for the Brazilian tragedy, quite contrary to what they preach to the four winds. Every rotten thing that is there results from the lack of a triumphant democratic revolution, whose attempts throughout our history were crushed in iron, fire and blood by this gendarmerie. Such a crisis will also begin the end of its patriotic mystification as the defender of the people and of the country.

In addition, the contradictions of the current regime in conformation are not few and neither that small. The comprador bourgeoisie dominates with Paulo Guedes, but the bureaucratic fraction has its "nationalist" generals, its spokesmen in the leadership of the government. Bolsonaro chatters between the two. How far and when he, ruling only with offenses, will be worth for the on-going counterrevolutionary plan of those who have spliced his government to carry it out?

 The class struggle, gentlemen, continues, and on a new level!


Translated from A Nova Democracia Website.